Bihar politics shaped by five dominant caste groups, can PK change it

Caste continues to play a major role in Bihar’s political landscape, despite growing concerns over issues like unemployment, inflation, corruption, and alleged “vote chori” (vote theft). According to a 2018 survey by Azim Premji University, 57% of people in Bihar preferred leaders from their own caste, slightly higher than the national average of 55%. This shows how deeply caste identities influence voting behavior, even in a state facing multiple developmental challenges.

Bihar’s caste census shows that upper castes make up 15% of the population, Other Backward Classes (OBCs) 27%, Extremely Backward Classes (EBCs) 36%, Scheduled Castes 20%, and Scheduled Tribes just 2%. Muslims account for 18%, with 5% being upper caste and 13% being OBCs or EBCs. Despite this diversity, only five groups dominate state politics: Yadavs, Rajputs, Koeris/Kushwahas, Muslims, and Bhumihars. Yadavs and Koeris are OBCs, while Rajputs and Bhumihars are upper castes.

These groups dominate because of their large numbers and resources, especially land. In the last three Assembly elections (2010, 2015, and 2020), candidates from these castes consistently won many seats. Yadavs have often secured 27 seats, Rajputs 13, Muslims and Koeris 9 each, and Bhumihars 8. Even other OBCs and Scheduled Castes hold fewer seats, showing a concentration of power among these five groups.

The dominance of these groups is clear across regions. Purnea district, for example, has 17 seats where Muslims consistently win, reflecting their population concentration. Tirhut has 15 seats, Patna 14, Darbhanga 13, and Magadh 11, showing how caste demographics determine electoral outcomes. Both the Mahagathbandhan (MGB) and the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) allocate the majority of tickets to candidates from these five groups. In 2020, the Mahagathbandhan gave 152 tickets (63%) to these groups, while the NDA gave 122 (50%).

Prashant Kishor aims to change voting patterns

Prashant Kishor’s new political venture, Jan Suraj, is attempting to challenge this long-standing caste dominance. Kishor has emphasized development-focused politics rather than caste-based strategies. He is campaigning on issues such as employment, education, health services, and corruption. His approach seeks to unite voters across caste lines and appeal to young, educated citizens who prioritize governance and development over caste identity.

Jan Suraj has taken an anti-NDA and anti-MGB stance but avoids rigid caste-based strategies. Kishor frequently criticizes both Nitish Kumar and Lalu Prasad Yadav for Bihar’s relative backwardness and urges citizens to vote with their children’s future in mind. Surveys indicate that while 57% of people prefer leaders from their own caste, 31% say caste does not matter, and 43% prioritize development, governance, leadership, and performance. These are the voters Kishor hopes to attract, signaling potential for change if he can convert issue-based support into votes.

Despite decades of affirmative action, reservation policies, and social justice rhetoric, Bihar’s political power remains largely concentrated among these five dominant groups. Yadavs, Rajputs, Koeris/Kushwahas, Muslims, and Bhumihars continue to account for more than half of the Assembly seats. In 2020, out of 136 MLAs from these groups, 74 were from the Mahagathbandhan and 54 from the NDA. Yadavs alone hold 21% of MLAs despite being 14% of the population, and Rajputs account for 12% of MLAs versus 3% of the population. Only Muslims are underrepresented, holding 8% of seats compared with 18% of the population.

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This gap highlights the challenge for any development-focused party attempting to break caste-based politics. Kishor’s strategy relies on mobilizing voters for whom development, governance, and performance matter more than caste. The educated, urban population and first-time voters may form a critical base for such a strategy.

In conclusion, while caste remains a decisive factor in Bihar’s elections, Prashant Kishor’s Jan Suraj is testing the possibility of development-led politics. The five dominant groups—Yadavs, Rajputs, Koeris/Kushwahas, Muslims, and Bhumihars—still control much of the Assembly, but a growing segment of voters is looking beyond caste. Whether Kishor can successfully shift voting patterns depends on convincing these voters that governance and development can outweigh traditional caste loyalties, marking a potential turning point in Bihar’s political future.